March 7, 2017

Balkan Family Structure And the European Pattern: by Mariia Nikolaeva Todorova

By Mariia Nikolaeva Todorova

An up to date, prolonged, and revised model of the out-of-print 1993 version, this name reassesses the conventional stereotype of where of the Balkans within the version of the ecu kin within the 19th century, at the foundation of latest resource fabric and via synthesizing current examine.

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Additional info for Balkan Family Structure And the European Pattern: Demographic Developments in Ottoman Bulgaria (Past Incorporated Ceu Studies in the Humanities)

Sample text

29 III MARRIAGE AND NUPTIALITY A Bulgarian proverb states: “A man who has not been born shall not die; he who does not marry is not a man” (Marinov 1892b, 5). Like most concise and categorical statements, this one, too, summarizes simply but eloquently the folk outlook on the three main stages of transition in human life: birth, marriage and death. The second element of this triad, the only one that people choose or avoid, was given the same inevitable and obligatory character as the other two biologically determined elements.

The typical ceremony for Orthodox as well as for Catholics comprised two distinct stages: the first had a legal character and regulated the material conditions for the marriage; and the second gave the social sanction for the concluded contract (Vakarelski 1977, 475). These two stages represented the engage- III. Marriage and Nuptiality 33 ment and the wedding. 3 Also highly ritualized, the first stage was of less importance than the wedding ceremony, though certainly of major social and economic significance.

In fact, data on a Serbian II. Population Structure 25 village from the same period can be treated as a possible analogue to the Bulgarian village population. Thus, the proportion of Serbian village women of childbearing age is practically the same as that of the urban Bulgarian women (Wagner 1982, 52). 1 —————————————————————————————————————————————— It is also possible that differences in sexual hygiene or other sanitary practices might have contributed to the differential Turkish and Bulgarian female mortality.

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